A "Skip-generation" Household Is a Family Structure Comprising
Diversity of grandparents living with their grandchildren
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past Anne Milan, Nadine Laflamme and Irene Wong
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- Overview of the report
- Introduction
- Overview of grandparents in Canada
- Close to 600,000 grandparents in shared homes with grandchildren
- Proportion of co-residing grandparents loftier in Nunavut, especially for Inuit
- One-fifth of recent immigrants aged 45 and over living with grandchildren
- Many Panjabi-speakers are co-residing grandparents
- Nigh all co-residing Sikh and Hindu grandparents are in a multigenerational home
- One-quarter of grandparents living with their grandchildren are widowed
- Decision
- Notes
- Related material for this article
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Overview of the study
Even though most grandparents alive in divide households from their developed children and grandchildren, sometimes the grandparent and grandchild generations live together. This commodity provides information on the number of grandparents who are in this particular situation, along with their living arrangements and their ethnocultural and sociodemographic characteristics.
- In 2011, there were nearly 7 1000000 grandparents aged 45 and over in individual households, representing 57% of the population in this age group. Grandparents had iv.2 grandchildren on average.
- In 2011, close to 600,000 grandparents aged 45 and over lived with their grandchildren, accounting for eight% of all grandparents and for 4% of the overall population in this age group.
- Near grandparents who lived with their grandchildren also lived with at least one middle-generation person (88%). The rest (12%) were in 'skip-generation' households, that is, with no eye generation present.
- Persons aged 45 and over who reported an Ancient identity and reported a Traditional Aboriginal Spirituality had larger proportions of grandparents living with their grandchildren. As well, higher proportions were seen amid Sikh (Punjabi-speaking in most cases) and Hindu populations.
- Of all grandparents living with their grandchildren in 2011, 62% were married or in a common-police union. Of those not in couples, 25% of co-residing grandparents were widowed and an additional 14% were divorced, separated or had never been married.
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Introduction
The Canadian population is not only crumbling, it is also experiencing increasing variety in living arrangements and family structure. Although Canadians are having children at older ages, which tin can lengthen the span between generations, relatively loftier life expectancy means that relationships between generations can potentially concluding for many years. While the majority of grandparents maintain a separate residence from both their adult children and grandchildren, sometimes co-residence occurs for the grandparent and grandchild generations. The propensity to share a habitation with 1 or more than grandchildren may exist influenced by many factors, including the ethnocultural, sociodemographic and economical characteristics of the population.
Based on the population aged 45 and over living in private households, this report initially provides an overview of all grandparents in Canada using the 2011 General Social Survey (GSS). While grandparents overall take sure ethnocultural, sociodemographic and economical characteristics, the contour of the particular grandparents who lived with i or more of their grandchildren can be quite unlike.
To better understand the profile of grandparents living with grandchildren, the 2011 National Household Survey (NHS) is used to examine the prevalence of being a co-residing grandparent co-ordinate to selected diversity characteristics, such as Aboriginal identity, immigrant condition, visible minority group status, language, and religion. Amid grandparents in shared homes, the composition of the eye generation (i.eastward., whether grandparents are living in a multigenerational household or in a skip-generation household) is examined, equally well as their contribution to household payments.
As part of the planning process for an aging population, understanding living arrangements involves examining how they may differ for various population groups. With increasing ethnocultural diversity, particular living arrangements—such as multigenerational shared residence—may be more unremarkably institute among certain groups. Understanding the living arrangements of such families is of import, since they could have implications for the provision of care and support, fiscal resources and housing needs for these dissimilar populations.
Furthermore, co-residence is likely to affect each generation in the habitation. Exchanges of support—emotional, practical, financial, or a combination of these factors—may menses between generations to various degrees. Grandparents sharing a home with grandchildren may provide an important resources for one or both generations—as well as for the middle generation, if present. In circumstances when parents are non in the dwelling, grandparents may serve every bit a crucial source of support for dependent grandchildren. Finally, college life expectancy, too every bit growing ethnocultural diversity, could increase the potential for grandparent and grandchild generations to co-reside in the future.
Overview of grandparents in Canada
Co-ordinate to the 2011 General Social Survey, virtually vii million people aged 45 and over in private households, or 57% of this population, were grandparents—upward from l% in 2001, probable reflecting an overall older population compared with a decade earlier. Notationane
Regardless of their living arrangements, more than women were grandmothers (61%) in 2011 than men who were grandfathers (52%). Women are typically younger than their spouse or partner, take their children at a younger age, and have a college life expectancy, all of which contribute to women becoming grandparents at a younger age and remaining in this role for a longer fourth dimension period than men.
The propensity to exist a grandparent increases with age. It was relatively uncommon to be a grandparent at a immature historic period—less than 1-quarter of adults aged 45 to 54 in 2011—but by age 55 to 64, a majority of individuals were grandparents (60%). Among those aged 65 to 74 in 2011, 87% were grandparents, increasing to 94% amidst those aged 75 and over. These proportions, nonetheless, do not capture either the duration or timing of grandparenthood and many of these older seniors may have become grandparents years earlier.
Most grandparents take several grandchildren. Specifically, in 2011, 17% of grandparents had one grandchild, 22% had 2 grandchildren, 27% had iii or 4 grandchildren, and over one-3rd (34%) had 5 grandchildren or more. On average, in 2011, grandparents had 4.2 grandchildren downwardly from four.8 grandchildren in 2001. While there could be a higher proportion of grandparents in the coming decades due to population crumbling, grandparents may each have fewer grandchildren than they practise now if the current tendency continues.
The rest of the commodity provides a comprehensive contour of grandparents who co-reside with their grandchildren. Information technology shows that some ethnocultural and sociodemographic characteristics are associated with a higher probability of living with grandchildren in a shared home.
Close to 600,000 grandparents in shared homes with grandchildren
While most grandparents and their grandchildren reside in separate homes, some do alive together. Note2 Co-ordinate to the 2011 NHS, 584,350 grandparents aged 45 and over, or iv% of the overall population in this historic period group, lived with their grandchildren. Co-residing grandparents represented about 8% of all grandparents in Canada (see Data sources, methods and definitions).In that location could be many reasons why grandparents share a home with their grandchildren such every bit cultural preference, financial necessity Notation3 or health and other possibilities.
The majority of grandparents in a shared home with their grandchildren—511,700 or 88% in 2011—besides lived with i or more persons from the middle generation (Table 1). Most commonly, co‑residing grandparents lived with a eye generation comprised of a couple (53% of grandparents in shared homes), followed past a lone parent (32%). Lone parents may demand more back up than parents in couple families, and living in a multigenerational household with their own parents may be a fashion for them to puddle resources associated with finances and caring for their ain children. A lower proportion of co-residing grandparents (less than 3%) lived with a center generation comprised of either both a couple and a lone parent or a more complex combination.
| Distribution | Median age | Some financial responsibility | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| number | per centum | years | per centum | |
| Total grandparents in shared homes | 584,350 | 100.0 | 66.2 | 50.3 |
| In a multigenerational household with | 511,685 | 87.6 | 66.2 | 46.1 |
| Couple | 308,305 | 52.eight | 68.seven | 27.6 |
| Lone parent | 188,660 | 32.3 | 62.ii | 74.seven |
| Other | 14,710 | ii.5 | sixty.6 | 66.1 |
| In a skip-generation household | 72,665 | 12.four | 66.0 | fourscore.3 |
| Source: Statistics Canada, National Household Survey, 2011. | ||||
The remaining 72,700 grandparents aged 45 and over in a shared home were in a skip-generation household in 2011—that is, with no center generation present, bookkeeping for 12% of this population. Parents may exist absent for a variety of reasons and, in such families, grandparents may assume a parental role, providing a valuable emotional and/or financial resource for their grandchildren. (For a contour of grandchildren living with their grandparents, run into Grandchildren living with grandparents).
In fact, near grandparents in either skip-generation households (eighty%) or multigenerational households with a lone-parent centre generation (75%) had at to the lowest degree some responsibility for household payments. Note4 In contrast, when the middle generation was a couple, a significantly smaller share of grandparents (28%) contributed financially to household payments. In the latter case, even so, these grandparents tended to be older (with a median age of nigh 69 years, compared with 66 years among those in a skip-generation household and 62 years among those living with a lone parent).
Proportion of co-residing grandparents high in Nunavut, especially for Inuit
With the NHS, it is possible to identify grandparents living with grandchildren for a broad range of specific populations, but it is not possible to place the population of grandparents as a whole. While co-residing grandparents cannot be expressed as a proportion of grandparents, they can be expressed every bit a proportion of the overall population aged 45 and above.
The proportion of individuals living with at least one grandchild varied across the land, and was highest in Nunavut, at nigh 1 in four individuals (24%) anile 45 and over in 2011 compared with four% nationally (Table two). The proportion of the population aged 45 or over who were grandparents in shared homes was besides insufficiently college in the Northwest Territories (viii%).
| percentage | |
|---|---|
| Total co-residing grandparents | 4.i |
| Sexual practice | |
| Men | three.ii |
| Women | 4.9 |
| Age grouping | |
| 45 to 49 | 1.2 |
| 50 to 54 | 2.ii |
| 55 to 59 | iii.four |
| 60 to 64 | 5.0 |
| 65 to 69 | 6.2 |
| 70 to 74 | 7.two |
| 75 to 79 | vii.4 |
| eighty and over | 7.4 |
| Marital status | |
| In a couple | three.6 |
| Legally married (and not separated) | 3.9 |
| Common police force | 1.5 |
| Not in a couple | 5.2 |
| Never legally married | one.two |
| Divorced or separated | 3.7 |
| Widowed | 10.9 |
| Province/territory | |
| Newfoundland and Labrador | iv.1 |
| Prince Edward Island | 3.two |
| Nova Scotia | 3.3 |
| New Brunswick | 3.3 |
| Quebec | 2.0 |
| Ontario | 5.2 |
| Manitoba | 4.ane |
| Saskatchewan | three.5 |
| Alberta | 4.1 |
| British Columbia | five.4 |
| Yukon | iii.five |
| Northwest Territories | viii.iii |
| Nunavut | 24.iv |
| Aboriginal identity | |
| Aboriginal identity | 10.seven |
| First Nations Note1 | 14.4 |
| Métis Note1 | 5.0 |
| Inuit Annotationi | 22.3 |
| Other Ancient identity Note2 | 3.6 |
| Non-Aboriginal identity | 3.ix |
| Immigrant status | |
| Non-immigrants | 2.5 |
| Immigrants | eight.4 |
| Catamenia of immigration | |
| between 2006 and 2011 | 20.5 |
| before 2006 | 7.seven |
| Age at immigration | |
| less than 45 | 4.iii |
| 45 to 54 | 18.iii |
| 55 to 64 | 43.i |
| 65 and over | 53.1 |
| Non-permanent residents | 8.vii |
| Linguistic communication spoken most often at home | |
| Official | 2.7 |
| English | 3.2 |
| French | 1.five |
| English and French | 2.7 |
| Official and not-official | 7.8 |
| Not-official | thirteen.nine |
| Italian | 5.two |
| Portuguese | ten.4 |
| High german | iii.4 |
| Castilian | 11.0 |
| Mandarin | 13.8 |
| Cantonese | 12.3 |
| Chinese, n.o.s. Note3 | 12.nine |
| Panjabi (Punjabi) | 44.0 |
| Tagalog (Pilipino, Filipino) | 14.8 |
| Arabic | 9.8 |
| Other | 12.two |
| Faith | |
| Buddhist | 11.half-dozen |
| Christian | 3.3 |
| Hindu | 17.7 |
| Jewish | 1.6 |
| Muslim | 10.5 |
| Sikh | 38.6 |
| Traditional Aboriginal Spirituality | twenty.0 |
| Other religions | iii.v |
| No religious affiliation | 4.0 |
| Visible minority status | |
| Visible minority | 12.v |
| South Asian | 21.6 |
| Chinese | 10.3 |
| Black | 8.four |
| Filipino | 12.v |
| Latin American | 9.7 |
| Arab | half-dozen.v |
| Southeast Asian | 11.3 |
| West Asian | 7.two |
| Korean | iv.6 |
| Japanese | 2.8 |
| Visible minority, northward.i.e. Note4 | 10.v |
| Multiple visible minorities | 10.4 |
| Non a visible minority | 2.8 |
| Some financial responsibility | |
| Yes | 2.vi |
| No | ten.8 |
| |
In the Northward, the larger share of grandparents living with their grandchildren may be related to the consequence of crowded housing within some communities. Note5 Nunavut too had the highest proportion of large households in Canada in 2011, as 32% of all households were comprised of 5 or more people (compared with 8% nationally). Among households including a co-residing grandparent in Nunavut, 71% were comprised of at to the lowest degree 5 people (compared with 62% nationally).
In contrast, some provinces had lower proportions of co-residing grandparents than the national average, especially Quebec (2%). In fact, 25% of the total population aged 45 and over lived in Quebec, merely 12% of all co-residing grandparents in this age group lived in this province.
The population who reported an Aboriginal identity Note6—which is more prevalent in certain regions of the land—was as well proportionally more than probable to alive with grandchildren (xi% in 2011). In particular, over ane-fifth (22%) of the population aged 45 or older who self-identified as Inuit was a co-residing grandparent, which increased to nearly one-third (33%) for Inuit living in Nunavut. Note7 The proportion was besides relatively high in 2011 for those who cocky-identified every bit Showtime Nations Note8 (14%). Start Nations people living on-reserve in 2011 were too much more likely to be co-residing grandparents (27%) than those living off-reserve (8%). In dissimilarity, the proportion of those who self-identified as Métis (5%) was closer to those who reported no Aboriginal identity (4%).
Several unique family-related characteristics could explain the higher proportion of co-residing grandparents inside the Aboriginal population, including Aboriginal custom adoption, which is the "selection of individuals to prefer a child, past nascence parents (or their elders), based on historical Aboriginal adoption practices". Note9 In add-on, Aboriginal identity populations, particularly Inuit, accept higher fertility levels than the remainder of the population Annotation10—significant that the Aboriginal population may be more likely to be grandparents. Equally previously noted, northern communities—many of which are home to a proportionally large Aboriginal population—may as well lack sufficient housing.
Amongst those who reported an Aboriginal identity and were co-residing grandparents in 2011, nearly half (49%) shared a household with centre-generation alone parents and 17% shared a household with middle-generation couples (Chart one). The opposite was found among the non-Ancient population, for whom it was more common for co-residing grandparents to live with a couple (56%) than a lone-parent (31%) middle generation. Although the counts are low, Inuit co-residing grandparents were significantly more probable to live with a circuitous middle generation (11%, compared with but beneath 3% nationally), reflecting the coaction of diverse cultural and economic factors for this population, including the importance of extended family.
Clarification for chart i
A larger share of the Ancient population was comprised of grandparents in a skip-generation home (27%) than the not-Aboriginal population (11%), although this was more predominant for Métis and First Nations (28% each) populations than Inuit (xviii%).
The distinctive nature of Aboriginal families can also be seen in who bears the financial responsibility for the household. While one-one-half (50%) of co-residing grandparents had some financial responsibility for the household in 2011, information technology was closer to three-quarters (73%) among those with an Aboriginal identity. Even when the center generation was comprised of a couple, 55% of grandparents with an Ancient identity had some financial responsibility—ranging from 49% amid Métis grandparents to 57% amidst First Nations people—compared with 27% for the not-Ancient population.
Ane-fifth of recent immigrants anile 45 and over living with grandchildren
For some populations, such every bit immigrants Notationxi, living with adult children or relatives tin can be a financial coping strategy. Note12 Immigrants accounted for 26% of the overall population anile 45 and over in 2011, and for more than one-half of co-residing grandparents (54%). Parents or grandparents arriving from away—and sponsored in the Family unit Reunification Program—are required by the federal authorities to be financially supported by their sponsors for the commencement 10 years of residence during which time they are non eligible for regime income assistance. Note13 Consequently, for recent immigrants who came to Canada for the purpose of family reunification, their adult children and other relatives may be an important source of fiscal security.
In 2011, more eight% of the immigrant population anile 45 and over lived in a abode they shared with their grandchildren compared with less than three% of their Canadian-born counterparts (Tabular array 2). Within the immigrant population, however, there is much diversity given that some immigrants might have arrived in Canada at any fourth dimension earlier in their lives—as children or equally young, heart-aged or older adults—peradventure to exist united with family members already in the country.
Among contempo immigrants aged 45 or older who arrived in Canada between 2006 and 2011, 21% were grandparents in shared homes, as were viii% of immigrants who arrived prior to 2006. In add-on, more than half (53%) of immigrants who came to Canada at age 65 or older were co-residing grandparents, compared with iv% of those who came when they were aged less than 45, thus reinforcing the importance of family networks and support among older immigrants arriving in the land. Note14
Within the population of immigrant co-residing grandparents, 95% of immigrants who arrived in Canada earlier 2006 lived in a multigenerational household in 2011, and it was college (99%) among those who were contempo arrivals (Chart ii). While the majority of Canadian-born co-residing grandparents also contained a middle generation, it was comparatively lower—78% in 2011—and the proportion in skip-generation families was correspondingly higher, at 22%.
Description for chart 2
More specifically, the proportion of co-residing grandparents living with a middle-generation couple was college among immigrants (lxx%)—particularly recent immigrants (85%)—compared with Canadian-born grandparents (33%). In fact, the share of Canadian-born grandparents living with alone parents (43%) surpassed those living with couples (33%) and those living without a center-generation person (22%).
Just over one-tertiary (37%) of immigrant co-residing grandparents and 19% of those recently arrived were fiscal maintainers in 2011, compared with 66% amid their Canadian-built-in counterparts. This supports previous research which found that recent immigrant parents were more than likely to live as financial dependents in homes with their adult children compared with longer-term immigrants. Note15 Annotation, all the same, that sponsored parents and/or grandparents may contribute to the household in a unlike way, for instance by providing functional or emotional back up such as abode care or child care, or both. Notexvi
Many Panjabi-speakers are co-residing grandparents
Language spoken most oft at habitation is also associated with being a co-residing grandparent. Grandparents aged 45 and over who lived with at least ane grandchild were more than three times equally likely to speak a non-official language almost often at home (39%) in 2011, compared with the total population in this age grouping (12%). From another perspective, 14% of individuals aged 45 and over who spoke a non-official linguistic communication at home lived with their grandchildren, every bit did 3% among those who spoke just one official linguistic communication. Proportions were highest among people who most frequently spoke Punjabi (or Panjabi), of whom 44% of the population anile 45 and over were grandparents who lived with their grandchildren (Chart three), followed past those who nearly oftentimes spoke Tagalog (fifteen%)—also known every bit Pilipino or Filipino—and Mandarin (14%). Notation17
Description for chart iii
The proportion of co-residing grandparents in multigenerational households was highest among those who most often spoke Punjabi, Mandarin, and Standard arabic (at least 98% in each example) at abode (Chart 4). Punjabi-speaking co-residing grandparents had the largest share living with a middle-generation couple (89%) and an additional vii% lived with a middle-generation solitary parent. In contrast, among co-residing grandparents who well-nigh often spoke an official language at dwelling house, a larger share was comprised of a heart-generation alone parent (41%) than a couple (37%)—the only language group with this pattern—and an additional 19% were in skip-generation households, the highest proportion of all linguistic communication groups.
Description for nautical chart four
The economical circumstances of these co-residing grandparents may exist reflected by patterns of who takes on financial responsibility for the household. While 25% of co‑residing grandparents who spoke Punjabi well-nigh often at dwelling house were a fiscal provider in 2011, this was the situation for about 63% of grandparents who most ofttimes spoke an official language. This suggests that there could be cultural reasons besides every bit potential economic benefits to co‑residence.
Almost all co-residing Sikh and Hindu grandparents are in a multigenerational home
Religious affiliation—some other indicator of the importance of cultural attributes—was also associated with being a grandparent in a shared home. The proportion of the population aged 45 and over with a Sikh religion and who were co-residing grandparents was 39% in 2011, compared with 4% among those with no religious amalgamation (Chart 5). Individuals in their mid-forties and older who identified themselves as being affiliated with Traditional Aboriginal Spirituality or equally Hindu also had relatively higher proportions of beingness grandparents in a shared home (20% and eighteen%, respectively). In contrast, the everyman proportions of individuals anile 45 and over who were grandparents in shared homes—even lower than those who declared no religion—were those who reported existence Christian (3%) and Jewish (less than two%).
Clarification for nautical chart 5
Despite the higher proportion of co-residing grandparents with Sikh, Traditional Aboriginal Spirituality or Hindu religious affiliations, there were differences in the center-generation composition of these groups. In 2011, nearly all Sikh and Hindu (99% of each group) grandparents in a shared home lived with a heart generation, primarily a couple (accounting for 88% and 85% of these co-residing grandparents, respectively). In contrast, 71% of those who declared Traditional Ancient Spirituality lived in a multigenerational household, including 15% who lived with a middle-generation couple. The residuum (29%) were in skip-generation households, more than than double the national average (12%) and certainly more than than those who alleged Sikh or Hindu affiliations (almost 1% each).
A relatively low proportion of Sikh and Hindu co‑residing grandparents overall had any responsibility for household payments, at 27% and 24% in 2011, respectively, as well-nigh of these grandparents lived with a middle-generation couple, situations in which they are less likely be a financial maintainer. Conversely, among grandparents who affiliated with Traditional Aboriginal Spirituality, 74% had at least some responsibility for maintaining their household, probable reflecting the comparatively higher proportions of these grandparents in skip-generation households or households with a middle-generation lone parent.
In many means, the results obtained past religious affiliation align with those that were obtained for other ethnocultural and diversity characteristics. A big majority of Sikh co-residing grandparents, for instance, almost often spoke Panjabi at habitation (92%). In that location was also a close clan betwixt Traditional Aboriginal Spirituality and Ancient Identity; amidst co-residing grandparents who reported a religion of Traditional Ancient Spirituality, 99% as well reported an Aboriginal identity. The implication is that the aforementioned individuals who contribute to the higher proportions observed for some religions, besides contribute to higher proportions for related ethnocultural characteristics.
Similarly, visible minority status Notation18 was also associated with the prevalence of beingness a co‑residing grandparent. In 2011, 12% of the visible minority population aged 45 or over lived with their grandchildren, compared with 3% who did not vest to a visible minority group. Notationxix Within the visible minority population, the proportion of grandparents in their mid-forties or older in a shared habitation was highest amongst those who were S Asian (22%). The college proportions observed for South Asians are reflective of results obtained for the Sikh—along with Punjabi-speaking—and Hindu populations.
For nigh visible minority co-residing grandparents, the large majority (97%) were in multigenerational households while iii% were in skip-generation households, compared with 81% and 19%, respectively, for other co-residing grandparents (Chart 6). The share of co‑residing grandparents living with a heart generation was largest for South Asians (99%), West Asians and Arabs (98% each).
Description for chart six
In dissimilarity, among visible minority groups, the proportion in skip-generation households was highest for Blacks (12%). Recent enquiry on multigenerational households in the Us also found a college proportion of Blacks in skip-generation households. Note20 Blacks also had the largest share of grandparents living with a middle-generation solitary parent (56%).
Although a lower proportion (34%) of visible minority co-residing grandparents contributed overall to household payments compared with other co-residing grandparents (62%), among specific visible minority groups, Blackness grandparents were most probable to have some fiscal responsibleness for their households (61%)—particularly when the middle generation was a lone parent (76%)—reflecting the greater need for economic back up that may exist faced by these alone-parent families.
One-quarter of grandparents living with their grandchildren are widowed
Just as women aged 45 and over were more likely to be grandparents in general than men in 2011, women were also slightly more likely than men to be co-residing grandparents (5% versus three%) and the proportion by and large increased with historic period. Just over 8% of women and virtually 6% of men in their early seventies and older were in a shared domicile with their grandchildren (Chart vii). While living in a collective dwelling increases with age (where there is less opportunity to alive with grandchildren) Note21 the majority of the population remains in a private household well into their senior years.
Description for nautical chart 7
Of all grandparents living with their grandchildren in 2011, 62% of co-residing grandparents were married or in a common-constabulary union. Of those non in couples, 25% of co-residing grandparents were widowed, compared with 9% for the overall population anile at least 45, reflecting the older ages of these grandparents. An additional fourteen% of grandparents living with at least one grandchild was divorced, separated or had never been married (compared with 21% of the overall population aged 45 or older).
Other socioeconomic characteristics were related to the likelihood of living with grandchildren. Specifically, individuals aged 45 and over who had less than a high schoolhouse pedagogy were more probable to be grandparents in a shared dwelling (eight%) in 2011 compared with those with a university degree (2%). This could bespeak an age upshot as individuals with college levels of education may be younger and therefore less probable to be grandparents. Similarly, 6% of people who were non in the labour force (who tend to exist older) were grandparents in a shared dwelling house, compared with ii% among those who were employed.
Determination
Grandparents and grandchildren often have a special relationship, regardless of proximity of residence. In Canada, most of the 7 million grandparents aged 45 and over live in a separate residence from their grandchildren. However, according to the 2011NHS, 584,350 grandparents in their mid-forties or older lived with their grandchildren, accounting for approximately 4% of this age group and viii% of all grandparents. There may be a number of reasons for living in a dwelling house with grandchildren, and these may alter over time, with grandparents taking on both the role of caregiver and care recipient to varying degrees. In skip-generation households, grandparents may face additional responsibilities, every bit they may exist providing a dwelling house for grandchildren whose own parents may be unavailable or experiencing difficulties.
The most predominant characteristics amongst the population who co-reside with their grandchildren are either related to Aboriginal identity or are ethnocultural. Being a co-residing grandparent was more prevalent amongst those with an Aboriginal identity or had an affiliation with Traditional Aboriginal Spirituality; and those who had an affiliation with Sikh or Hindu religions. The higher proportions of grandparents in Sikh or Hindu religions mirrored the higher proportion of co-residing grandparents amidst South Asians. Similarly, the higher proportions obtained for Sikh populations reflected the results obtained among those who mainly spoke Panjabi at home.
The majority of grandparents in a shared dwelling also included a middle generation, which, near commonly, was comprised of a couple, followed by a lone parent, while a smaller portion was in a skip-generation household. Most grandparents contributed financially to households that were skip-generation or lone-parent heart generation, even so, this was far less likely when the middle generation was a couple. The heart-generation composition also varied beyond diverseness characteristics.
Given the growing diversity of the population in Canada, in conjunction with an crumbling population, in that location could be an even greater proportion of shared grandparent-grandchild homes in the future. The particular ethnocultural characteristics that are associated with grandparents in shared homes could accept implications for how they experience their senior years—as they proceed to age—as well as their respective intendance and social back up networks.
Anne Milan is a senior annotator and Nadine Laflamme is an analyst in the Demography Segmentation at Statistics Canada. Irene Wong is an annotator in the Microdata Access Division at Statistics Canada.
Notes
Related cloth for this article
Source: https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/75-006-x/2015001/article/14154-eng.htm
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